外交英語演講稿(5篇)

第1篇 美國前總統(tǒng)宣布美國與古巴恢復(fù)外交關(guān)系英語演講稿

good morning, everybody. please have a seat.

more than 54 years ago, at the height of the cold war, the united states closed its embassy inhavana. today, i can announce that the united states has agreed to formally re-establishdiplomatic relations with the republic of cuba, and re-open embassies in our respectivecountries. this is a historic step forward in our efforts to normalize relations with the cubangovernment and people, and begin a new chapter with our neighbors in the americas.

when the united states shuttered our embassy in 1961, i don't think anyone e_pected that itwould be more than half a century before it re-opened. after all, our nations are separated byonly 90 miles, and there are deep bonds of family and friendship between our people. but therehave been very real, profound differences between our governments, and sometimes we allowourselves to be trapped by a certain way of doing things.

for the united states, that meant clinging to a policy that was not working. instead ofsupporting democracy and opportunity for the cuban people, our efforts to isolate cubadespite good intentions increasingly had the opposite effect – cementing the status quo andisolating the united states from our neighbors in this hemisphere. the progress that we marktoday is yet another demonstration that we don't have to be imprisoned by the past. whensomething isn't working, we can – and will – change.

last december, i announced that the united states and cuba had decided to take steps tonormalize our relationship. as part of that effort, president raul castro and i directed our teamsto negotiate the re-establishment of embassies. since then, our state department has workedhard with their cuban counterparts to achieve that goal. and later this summer, secretarykerry will travel to havana formally to proudly raise the american flag over our embassy oncemore.

this is not merely symbolic. with this change, we will be able to substantially increase ourcontacts with the cuban people. we'll have more personnel at our embassy. and our diplomatswill have the ability to engage more broadly across the island. that will include the cubangovernment, civil society, and ordinary cubans who are reaching for a better life.

on issues of common interest – like counterterrorism, disaster response, and development –we will find new ways to cooperate with cuba. and i've been clear that we will also continue tohave some very serious differences. that will include america's enduring support for universalvalues, like freedom of speech and assembly, and the ability to access information. and we willnot hesitate to speak out when we see actions that contradict those values.

however, i strongly believe that the best way for america to support our values is throughengagement. that's why we've already taken steps to allow for greater travel, people-to-peopleand commercial ties between the united states and cuba. and we will continue to do so goingforward.

since december, we've already seen enormous enthusiasm for this new approach. leadersacross the americas have e_pressed support for our change in policy; you heard thate_pressed by president dilma rousseff of brazil yesterday. public opinion surveys in both ourcountries show broad support for this engagement. one cuban said, 'i have prepared for thisall my life.' another said that that, 'this is like a shot of o_ygen.' one cuban teacher put itsimply: 'we are neighbors. now we can be friends.'

here in the united states, we've seen that same enthusiasm. there are americans who wantto travel to cuba and american businesses who want to invest in cuba. american colleges anduniversities that want to partner with cuba. above all, americans who want to get to knowtheir neighbors to the south. and through that engagement, we can also help the cubanpeople improve their own lives. one cuban american looked forward to 'reuniting families andopening lines of communications.' another put it bluntly: 'you can't hold the future of cubahostage to what happened in the past.'

and that's what this is about: a choice between the future and the past.

americans and cubans alike are ready to move forward. i believe it's time for congress to dothe same. i've called on congress to take steps to lift the embargo that prevents americansfrom travelling or doing business in cuba. we've already seen members from both parties beginthat work. after all, why should washington stand in the way of our own people?

yes, there are those who want to turn back the clock and double down on a policy of isolation.but it's long past time for us to realize that this approach doesn't work. it hasn't worked for 50years. it shuts america out of cuba's future, and it only makes life worse for the cuban people.

so i'd ask congress to listen to the cuban people. listen to the american people. listen to thewords of a proud cuban american, carlos gutierrez, who recently came out against the policy ofthe past, saying, 'i wonder if the cubans who have to stand in line for the most basicnecessities for hours in the hot havana sun feel that this approach is helpful to them.'

of course, nobody e_pects cuba to be transformed overnight. but i believe that americanengagement – through our embassy, our businesses, and most of all, through our people – isthe best way to advance our interests and support for democracy and human rights. time andagain, america has demonstrated that part of our leadership in the world is our capacity tochange. it's what inspires the world to reach for something better.

a year ago, it might have seemed impossible that the united states would once again beraising our flag, the stars and stripes, over an embassy in havana. this is what change lookslike.

in january of 1961, the year i was born, when president eisenhower announced thetermination of our relations with cuba, he said: it is my hope and my conviction that it is 'inthe not-too-distant future it will be possible for the historic friendship between us once again tofind its reflection in normal relations of every sort.' well, it took a while, but i believe thattime has come. and a better future lies ahead.

thank you very much. and i want to thank some of my team who worked diligently to makethis happen. they're here. they don't always get acknowledged. we're really proud of them.good work.

第2篇 克里國務(wù)卿就美國與古巴恢復(fù)外交關(guān)系英語演講稿

secretary kerry: good afternoon, everybody. thank you for your patience. inwashington a few moments ago, president obama announced that we had reached anagreement to formally re-establish diplomatic relations with the republic of cuba and that wewill reopen embassies in our respective countries.

later this summer, as the president announced, i will travel to cuba to personally take part inthe formal reopening of our united states embassy in havana. this will mark the resumption ofembassy operations after a period of 54 years. it will also be the first visit by a secretary ofstate to cuba since 1945. the reopening of our embassy, i will tell you, is an important step onthe road to restoring fully normal relations between the united states and cuba. coming aquarter of a century after the end of the cold war, it recognizes the reality of the changedcircumstances, and it will serve to meet a number of practical needs.

the united states and cuba continue to have sharp differences over democracy, human rights,and related issues, but we also have identified areas for cooperation that include lawenforcement, safe transportation, emergency response, environmental protection,telecommunications, and migration. the resumption of full embassy activities will help usengage the cuban government more often and at a higher level, and it will also allow ourdiplomats to interact more frequently, and frankly more broadly and effectively, with thecuban people. in addition, we will better be able to assist americans who travel to the islandnation in order to visit family members or for other purposes.

this transition, this moment in history, is taking place because president obama made apersonal, fundamental decision to change a policy that didn't work and that had been inplace not working for far too long. i believe that's leadership, and i appreciate that leadership.and president castro felt similarly that it was time for a change. both leaders agree thatconcentrating on the issues and possibilities of the future is far more productive thanremaining mired in the past. and i would say as we look at the world today with conflicts thatwe see and even these negotiations taking place here in vienna, it is important for people tounderstand that things can change, that leadership can be effective and can make adifference.

this step has been long overdue, and the response of the international community hasreflected the relief and the welcoming that people all over the world feel for this step. this stepwill advance the president's vision – president obama's vision – of an americas whereresponsibilities are widely shared and where countries combine their strengths to advancecommon interests and values. and we, frankly, also believe that this opening will help to changerelationships in the region as a whole.

i want to thank assistant secretary of state roberta jacobson and her team, our team at thestate department, together with those at the white house who have worked to lead thesediscussions with their cuban counterparts in order to enable the normalization of ourdiplomatic relations and the reopening of our embassies. i also want to thank the governmentof switzerland for the essential role that they have played in serving as the united statesprotecting power in cuba for more than 50 years.

and finally, i want to acknowledge the efforts of many in the united states congress, thecuban american community, civil society, faith-based organizations, the private sector, andothers throughout our country and beyond who have supported the start of a new chapter ofrelations between the united states and cuba. i look forward to meeting again with my cubancounterpart, bruno rodriguez, who i saw most recently in panama, and i also look forward togreeting our embassy personnel and the cuban people in havana later this summer. i lookforward to taking part in the reopening of our united states embassy and in the raising of thestars and stripes over that embassy, and the beginning of a new era of a new relationship withthe people of cuba. thank you all very much.

question: mr. secretary, will american diplomats have free access to talk to people –

secretary kerry: we'll talk about all those details later. i'm not going to take questionsright now, folks, but i appreciate very much your patience and interest.

question: just a few words about the negotiations here today, please.

secretary kerry: well, i've got to take these away for that. (laughter.) we are workingvery, very hard. we have some very difficult issues, but we believe we're making progress andwe're going to continue to work because of that. thank you all.

question: foreign minister zarif said there's no deadline. is there?

secretary kerry: thank you very much.

question: is there a deadline, sir?

secretary kerry: we have our own sense of deadline.

第3篇 英國外交大臣＂結(jié)束沖突中性暴力全球峰會＂上的開幕英語演講稿

good morning everybody.

angelina jolie and i are delighted to welcome you to the global summit to end se_ual violencein conflict.

we began campaigning, as you probably know, two years ago because we believe the time hascome to end the use of rape in war once and for all, and we believe it can be done.

we are convinced this is an issue of international peace and security, that is central toconflict prevention, that it is fundamental to the advancement of women’s rightseverywhere, and above all that it is a moral issue for our generation.

for centuries the rape of women, girls, men and boys has been a feature of conflict andwarfare.

these crimes have been taking place on a vast scale without many people even being aware ofit.

and today the facts are beginning to emerge for all to see, thanks to courageous survivors,ngos, journalists, doctors and activists, many of whom are already here today.

we know how few of these crimes have ever been punished, but because of the impunity, theycontinue today in syria, south sudan and the central african republic, to name just a fewe_amples.

what would it say about britain or any other nation if, knowing all this, we chose not to act, wechose to do nothing?

as was said of slavery in the 18th century:

now we know the facts, we cannot turn aside.

and so this week, we are bringing together here governments, e_perts, civil society, survivorsand members of the public here at the e_cel centre, in an unprecedented concentration ofeffort and attention on this issue:

today, we are hosting young people from across the world to discuss all the issues and to makerecommendations to the ministers, before the ministers get here.

tomorrow, over 1,000 e_perts and activists will take part in a multitude of events to addressissues from collecting evidence, to protecting children, to tackling se_ual e_ploitation.

and on thursday, more than 117 countries, 70 ministers, several heads of state, many faithleaders from across the world will gather here.

we want this summit to shatter the culture of impunity for se_ual violence, to increasesupport for survivors and to start changing the situation on the ground in the most affectedcountries. there are a whole range of practical actions that we want to achieve:

we will launch an international protocol that sets out how to document and investigatese_ual violence, so that those on the ground have the best tools to collect information andevidence to bring perpetrators to justice.

we will ask countries to strengthen their laws so that there are no safe havens for thoseresponsible for warzone se_ual violence, we will also urge all countries to train soldiers andpeace-keepers to prevent and respond to se_ual violence more effectively.

we want countries to commit new funds for tackling se_ual violence in conflict-affectedcountries like somalia and the democratic republic of congo, to do more to protect womenand girls in humanitarian emergencies, and to increase their support for human rightsdefenders who campaign for justice and help for survivors.

and i am pleased to announce this morning that the uk will pledge a further £6 million tosupport survivors of se_ual violence in conflict – a further £6 million to help them rebuildtheir lives and rebuild communities.

but governments alone cannot end se_ual violence in conflict, so this is much more than justa meeting of ministers.

we also want to help achieve a change in attitudes all over the world to these crimes – and youare part of changing those attitudes.

we want to shift the stigma from survivors onto the perpetrators of these crimes, so that they– not the innocent victims – bear the stigma.

we want to encourage men to speak out, we want to encourage men to speak out – to agreewith us that it is only a weak or inadequate man who abuses women. it is not, it’s not a sign ofstrength, it is the ultimate weakness and shame.

we want to draw attention to the hidden survivors of se_ual violence, all those who have feltunable to speak out and who have suffered in silence including men and boys.

we want people around the world to understand the scale of the problem and the urgent needfor action, to recognise the damage it does to international peace and security and to bemobilised and inspired to work within their societies and with us to bear down on this terribleinjustice.

so each hour for the ne_t 84 hours a british diplomatic post somewhere in the world will beholding an event to mirror what we are doing here in london. this event is round the clock allround the world. and i hope you will help us ensure that over the ne_t three and a half daysthat this summit reaches the whole world.

we encourage anyone who cares about this issue to visit and to take part with us here: to seethe multitude of e_hibitions, performances and films that are on show, and to join in thediscussions here physically and on social media.

i believe that foreign policy is no longer the sole preserve of governments, that we all need towork together in new ways to tackle global problems and this summit is an e_ample of ourdetermination as the united kingdom to champion that.

angelina and i want to thank all the organisations, performers, activists and individuals heretoday for your inspiring work and your contributions to this effort, and we will urge all theministers to visit and see the e_hibitions.

there are some people who say that these problems are so vast that our efforts will be in vain,but they fail to understand what governments, international organisations, civil society andpublic opinion can achieve when we all pull in the same direction.

from the abolition of slavery to the adoption of the arms trade treaty, we have shown that theinternational community can tackle vast global problems in a way that was once consideredto be impossible.

there is power in numbers and if we unite behind this cause we can create an unstoppablemomentum and consign this vile abuse to history.

with every injustice in the world, with every injustice in the world, a moment comes when thetide turns, when the pressure of public opinion and political will reaches a tipping point.

we have a remarkable opportunity over these ne_t few days to build the momentumneeded to tip the world past that point of no return, so that through hard work andcommitment over the coming years we can remove warzone rape from the world’s arsenal ofcruelty.

we can’t do this overnight, we can’t do it overnight. for the british government, and forangelina and for me personally, this summit is not the end of the road for our work, it is inmany ways just the beginning.

over the ne_t few years we must go on to show that what we agree here in london can make abig practical difference.

so in opening the fringe and the e_hibitions this morning, we hope you will all work with us andbe part of this historic endeavour.

i am grateful to you all for being here.

thank you very much indeed.

第4篇 老外交官談?dòng)⒄Z演講之道

段津簡介：

段津先生1953年畢業(yè)于北京外國語學(xué)院，被派往朝鮮開城中國人民志愿軍停戰(zhàn)談判代表團(tuán)任翻譯，屬于新中國第一代英語翻譯。曾為陳毅、鄧小平、李先念、郭沫若等老一代國家領(lǐng)導(dǎo)人會見外賓時(shí)當(dāng)翻譯，先后擔(dān)任中國駐加拿大大使館新聞參贊、中國駐溫哥華總領(lǐng)事、外交部新聞司副司長兼外交部發(fā)言人、中國駐澳大利亞悉尼總領(lǐng)事、中國人民外交學(xué)會副會長。

在長年的外交工作中，段津先生積累了豐富的英語口譯、筆譯經(jīng)驗(yàn)，擅長用英語演講，著有《如何用英語作精彩演講》一書(世界知識出版社出版)。

段津?qū)τ⒄Z演講的總體認(rèn)識：

演講藝術(shù)：中西方差距明顯

我們的社會政治情況與國外不太一樣。美國人從小學(xué)開始就要競選這個(gè)、競選那個(gè)，比如俱樂部經(jīng)理、學(xué)生會主席，跟政治競選差不多，所以他們的講演發(fā)達(dá)，在講演培訓(xùn)方面也開展得比較好。在西方國家，特別是英語國家更加重視演講。中國在這方面滯后了一點(diǎn)兒，但是現(xiàn)在講演的風(fēng)氣開始興盛，這很是令人喜悅。隨著我們對外經(jīng)貿(mào)、外交關(guān)系的拓展，學(xué)英語講英語的形勢更加喜人。我去年跟一批中學(xué)生專門進(jìn)行英語講演講座，他們懷著很大的興趣聽我講。對外經(jīng)貿(mào)大學(xué)也曾經(jīng)請我去講過怎么樣對外國人進(jìn)行溝通。最近華北地區(qū)的大學(xué)生講演比賽，我去當(dāng)了裁判。

英文演講和中文演講相比有哪些區(qū)別？

段津：實(shí)際上一樣，關(guān)鍵在于了解演講對象，減少冗余信息。

中文演講和英文演講實(shí)際上是一樣的，關(guān)鍵是看你演講的對象。不管是用中文還是用英文演講，首先你要對自己的聽眾要有一個(gè)很好的了解。在國外講演，講演超過半個(gè)小時(shí)，你就要考慮這個(gè)時(shí)間是不是快到了，絕不要超過50分鐘。而且應(yīng)該留出一半以上的時(shí)間讓聽眾來提問題。在中國情況就有所不同，因?yàn)檫^去的習(xí)慣，有的時(shí)候往往邀請方要求我講三個(gè)小時(shí)。實(shí)際上現(xiàn)在中國人也愿意聽短話，特別是沒有什么信息量的套話說法，

我們的演講如何運(yùn)用語言魅力打動(dòng)聽眾？適應(yīng)聽眾思維習(xí)慣？

段津：在講演當(dāng)中，語言文字的運(yùn)用很重要。第一，語言表達(dá)純熟清晰。第二，以對方習(xí)慣的方式、喜歡的方式來講。第三，要有內(nèi)容。當(dāng)聽眾通過贊揚(yáng)英文的辦法來贊揚(yáng)你時(shí)，例如觀眾對你說articulate，這是表示你講得非常清晰，你聽到這樣的評語之后，實(shí)際上就說明你的內(nèi)容已經(jīng)打動(dòng)了人。

根據(jù)我的經(jīng)驗(yàn)，適應(yīng)聽眾思維習(xí)慣，在講演一定要注意觀眾的反映。我的講話就是半個(gè)小時(shí)，必要的時(shí)候縮短20分鐘。我看大家睜著眼睛很安安靜靜的在聽，我就多講幾句。講話不要長，講20分鐘就可以打住了，然后讓人家提問題，這個(gè)10分鐘是有效的10分鐘，你可以根據(jù)他們提的問題，不完全是切中這個(gè)問題放大放開講。

有了一份好的演講稿之后，在發(fā)表演講過程中，有人認(rèn)為這是在裝模作樣，您怎么看待這個(gè)問題？

段津：我自己感覺到，演講絕不是什么拿姿做態(tài)，裝模作樣。作為外交官代表國家講話，這個(gè)國家已經(jīng)個(gè)性化在你的身上。我覺得不要去演戲。過去講修辭，講動(dòng)作，講聲調(diào)，后來從美國開始，慢慢就變成一種談話式的講話。我們在國外演講也是。

我到悉尼去擔(dān)任總領(lǐng)事，上任第一個(gè)活動(dòng)正好碰到圣誕節(jié)，新南威爾士大學(xué)組織一次歡迎會，大家都很隨便，都站在那兒。我先在站在他們的面前，我是一個(gè)陌生人，對他們來講，我不代表個(gè)人，我不是段津，我是中國，是一個(gè)機(jī)構(gòu)。但為了制造一種親切感，我就要把機(jī)構(gòu)化成個(gè)人，從個(gè)人講起。所以我一開始就講：“幾天以前，我和我的夫人告別了北京的四室一廳的寓所，跟我上海80多歲的老父親通了電話，跟躺在病床上的哥哥也通了電話，來到了溫暖如春的悉尼，沐浴在夏天的陽光底下，跟大家一塊過圣誕，這是一個(gè)很大的變化，但是我非常高興、非常興奮?！睅追昼姷难葜v，讓人家對新上任的總領(lǐng)事有一個(gè)了解。中國慢慢變成你個(gè)人，這個(gè)個(gè)人是很親切自然的，沒有什么價(jià)值的，隨便聊天。但是最后我還是談了國際形勢，還談了國內(nèi)形勢，對海外學(xué)子的希望。

您的外語怎么樣學(xué)的？怎么樣才能將自己的所學(xué)準(zhǔn)確生動(dòng)的表達(dá)，運(yùn)用到演講里去？

段津：學(xué)習(xí)也沒有什么捷徑可走。

1，慢慢積累，不要放棄?；A(chǔ)一定要打好，特別是語法的基礎(chǔ)。我在學(xué)校學(xué)的時(shí)間不長，但是基礎(chǔ)非常穩(wěn)固。光介詞的練習(xí)就不知道做了幾百幾千，冠詞的練習(xí)，什么時(shí)候用the，什么時(shí)候不用，這些基礎(chǔ)都非常牢固；

2，多看、多讀、多模仿。英語開始就是模仿，注意外國人的表達(dá)方法。我當(dāng)時(shí)在外交學(xué)會上班時(shí)有機(jī)會接觸美國、澳大利亞、加拿大、新西蘭廣大地區(qū)的各階層人士。另一方面我非常注意閱讀。當(dāng)時(shí)美國的四本周刊我都看，《新聞周刊》、《時(shí)代》等等，而且是越看不明白的東西越看；

3，要記錄。寫有用的短語、詞句，要把它記下來，而且要注意比較外國人和中國不同的表達(dá)法。舉個(gè)例子，中國人講話的時(shí)候，謝謝大家對我的熱烈歡迎，很平實(shí)的。英語國家的人講這么一句話，“thank you for the warm hospitality that makes me feel so welcome。”意思就是“謝謝你們的好客，這個(gè)好客使我感覺到自己如此受歡迎”。假如你沒有看過英文、聽過英文，你絕對不能想到這么表達(dá)。所以你就要學(xué)，就要聽。我們不能說我學(xué)的時(shí)候?qū)W了，自己講得時(shí)候還照中文講，不能這樣，要用英文來思維，越是覺得有點(diǎn)怪怪的，越是要學(xué)的。時(shí)間久而久之，你就不會講中式英文。

在被邀請演講但又不很清楚對方的具體要求時(shí)如何進(jìn)行？內(nèi)容上什么樣的安排會收到好的效果？

段津：這種情況我會首先要進(jìn)行調(diào)查研究。是誰邀請的，邀請我去跟誰講，再根據(jù)聽眾的特點(diǎn)，自己做一個(gè)估計(jì)。

比如說我在澳大利亞時(shí)，收到一個(gè)請?zhí)褪前拇罄麃喯つ岽髮W(xué)。他們學(xué)生畢業(yè)典禮一千多人，讓我作為唯一的外國嘉賓講話。我的聽眾都是大學(xué)生、大學(xué)教授，18歲到20多歲。然后我再打電話給他們學(xué)校的組織講演的校方詢問他們希望我講些什么東西，他給我的答復(fù)是隨便，但是時(shí)間控制在10分鐘。這樣的話，我就有了幾個(gè)信息：一個(gè)是他為什么不請美國人，請中國人，說明他對中國感興趣。所以我根本上可以確定，我要講講中國的事情。中國情況；另一個(gè)是年輕學(xué)生加教授；再一個(gè)就是時(shí)間要短一點(diǎn)兒。這個(gè)場合是一個(gè)畢業(yè)典禮，根據(jù)這四個(gè)特點(diǎn)，我就準(zhǔn)備出了一個(gè)講稿。

具體進(jìn)行的過程大概是這樣的。我記得有一個(gè)英國作家講過，你可以試一下談別人，比如說你跟人家談話時(shí)，你講他的事情，他聽兩個(gè)小時(shí)都不膩，所以既要講自己，也要講別人。根據(jù)這樣一個(gè)原則，我就在這個(gè)講稿里頭采取一種對比的辦法。

我一上來就是澳大利亞和中國差別很大，共同點(diǎn)也很多，夏天我們都出汗，冬天我們都會凍得發(fā)抖，你吃飯用刀叉，我吃飯用筷子。比如說我們中國看問題是大中小，寫地址是先寫國名，再寫省，再寫城市，再寫街道，再寫門牌號，然后再寫姓，然后寫名。外國人先寫名，再寫姓，你的門牌號碼、樓的號碼、馬路、城市、省份，最后是國家。整個(gè)是大顛倒。你們是由我及人，我們是由遠(yuǎn)及近。通過這些文化的對比，政治制度的對比。比如你們是議會民主，我們是半殖民地半封建的基礎(chǔ)上建立起來的人民民主的國家，這個(gè)場合就避免人民民主專政，因?yàn)閹拙湓捴v不清楚。從文化、政治、經(jīng)濟(jì)對比。再就是物產(chǎn)，中國有多少動(dòng)物、多少植物。一下子跳躍性的，一對比，共同點(diǎn)我們都希望和平，都希望過好日子。我們兩國關(guān)系好了，對我們兩國人民有什么好處。

最后，畢竟是青年學(xué)生，我引用了毛主席的一首詩，毛主席在50年代莫斯科對中國留學(xué)生講的一段話，世界上是你們的，也是我們的，但歸根結(jié)底是你們的，你們年輕人朝氣蓬勃，正在興旺時(shí)期，希望寄托在你們身上。這個(gè)話一講，達(dá)到高潮，他們喜歡聽。用偉大導(dǎo)師的話來打動(dòng)他們。我是稿子念下來。關(guān)鍵是內(nèi)容，內(nèi)容好的話，語音語調(diào)也好，這樣下來以后，那些小家伙戴著博士帽，拉著我一塊照相，氣氛非常熱烈。

演講是一門藝術(shù)，好的英文演講比賽究竟用什么樣的標(biāo)準(zhǔn)來評判？

段津：我先講講外國的經(jīng)驗(yàn)，1996年我在澳大利亞悉尼一家圖書館的新書陳列架上看到了《成功的秘訣》一書，書中有一節(jié)談到了演說的12項(xiàng)注意，我隨手抄錄了下來。這演講要素12項(xiàng)是presenting skills（演說技巧)

1.know your topic（知道你要講什么題目）

2.know your audience（了解你的聽眾）

3.know your start and stop times，as well as who else is on（知道你開始和停止的時(shí)間以及除你之外還有誰要講話）

4.know what you want people to do differently and tell them（對你所說的和人們所做的有什么不同，心中要有數(shù)，并讓聽眾知道）

5.make major points.（寫下你的講話要點(diǎn)）

6.check all your equipment，sound，lighting and seating arrangements.（檢查你的器材、音響、燈光和座位）

7.ask someone you trust and respect to constructively critique you.（請一個(gè)你所信任和尊敬的人對你的講稿提出建設(shè)性的批評和意見）

8.rela_ before you go on.（演講前要放松）

9.practise，practise，practise.（練習(xí)、練習(xí)，再練習(xí)）

10.remember that even if you miss a bit or forget a couple of lines，nobody knows e_cept you.（記住即或你漏掉一點(diǎn)或忘掉幾行，除了你自己，別人是不會發(fā)現(xiàn)的）

11.omit telling jokes unless you are already a good joke-teller or plan to get better.（收起你想講的笑話，除非你已經(jīng)擅長講笑話或者計(jì)劃在這方面有所提高）

12.have fun（要有趣味）

上述12項(xiàng)提示是國外人士從大量實(shí)踐中總結(jié)出來的有用經(jīng)驗(yàn)，可供我們借鑒。根據(jù)我自己的實(shí)踐經(jīng)驗(yàn)，我想著重提出5點(diǎn)：

1. 明確通過演講要傳遞什么信息；

2. 了解聽眾的特點(diǎn)和要求；

3. 準(zhǔn)備講稿或講話要點(diǎn)；

4. 語言要求清晰、簡練、優(yōu)美、生動(dòng)、形象、有頻率和感召力；

5. 臨場陳述要舉止穩(wěn)重大方，語言語調(diào)準(zhǔn)確

中國人用英語演講時(shí)，應(yīng)該注意哪些表達(dá)不會讓對方誤解？哪些是中西方都能夠理解的？

段津：我們講話，不管是對哪個(gè)國家的人士不要指手劃腳。當(dāng)我們談自己的情況，不要談的太滿，應(yīng)該留有余地，既談成績，也談困難。另外，對人家的事情不要指指點(diǎn)點(diǎn)。還有一件事情要注意，作為一個(gè)使節(jié)，不要評論第三國的事情，最安全的就是我談我自己的情況，我的體會，我的經(jīng)驗(yàn)，然后是我們的共同點(diǎn)。

中國加入wto，北京獲得2022年奧運(yùn)會舉辦權(quán)，越來越多的中國人意識到英語的重要，他們需要通過英語表達(dá)自己,在北京更是掀起了學(xué)習(xí)英語的熱潮，英語培訓(xùn)班也隨之鋪天蓋地。您對培訓(xùn)班的培訓(xùn)有什么見解？您對廣大愛學(xué)生的網(wǎng)友們，尤其是愛學(xué)英語的網(wǎng)友們，有什么建議？

段津：首先我覺得現(xiàn)在掀起一個(gè)全民學(xué)英語的高潮是一個(gè)好事情。現(xiàn)在學(xué)英語的途徑非常多，但有一種做法我不同意，那就是把英文的發(fā)音按照中文字寫出來。比如書，book，他用中文寫成“布克”。日本人在這方面吃了虧，他就用日文拼英文，結(jié)果發(fā)音就不太好。

至于訓(xùn)練班，要真正的訓(xùn)練?，F(xiàn)在國內(nèi)有些學(xué)習(xí)班，你教了錢，你上課不上課都給你發(fā)一個(gè)證書，這樣是不行的。另外也不能通過幾級考試就一定具備水平。因?yàn)榭荚嚤旧聿荒軌蛘嬲?、百分之百的反映一個(gè)人對某一門學(xué)問掌握的程度。學(xué)習(xí)歸根結(jié)底，訓(xùn)練班也好，正規(guī)學(xué)校也好，最后是靠自己，靠自己自學(xué)為主?，F(xiàn)在有好多工具書，不懂的就請教字典。

第5篇 老外交官談?dòng)⒄Z演講之道公眾演講

段津簡介：

段津先生1953年畢業(yè)于北京外國語學(xué)院，被派往朝鮮開城中國人民志愿軍停戰(zhàn)談判代表團(tuán)任翻譯，屬于新中國第一代英語翻譯。曾為陳毅、鄧小平、李先念、郭沫若等老一代國家領(lǐng)導(dǎo)人會見外賓時(shí)當(dāng)翻譯，先后擔(dān)任中國駐加拿大大使館新聞參贊、中國駐溫哥華總領(lǐng)事、外交部新聞司副司長兼外交部發(fā)言人、中國駐澳大利亞悉尼總領(lǐng)事、中國人民外交學(xué)會副會長。

在長年的外交工作中，段津先生積累了豐富的英語口譯、筆譯經(jīng)驗(yàn)，擅長用英語演講，著有《如何用英語作精彩演講》一書(世界知識出版社出版)。

段津?qū)τ⒄Z演講的總體認(rèn)識：

演講藝術(shù)：中西方差距明顯

我們的社會政治情況與國外不太一樣。美國人從小學(xué)開始就要競選這個(gè)、競選那個(gè)，比如俱樂部經(jīng)理、學(xué)生會主席，跟政治競選差不多，所以他們的講演發(fā)達(dá)，在講演培訓(xùn)方面也開展得比較好。在西方國家，特別是英語國家更加重視演講。中國在這方面滯后了一點(diǎn)兒，但是現(xiàn)在講演的風(fēng)氣開始興盛，這很是令人喜悅。隨著我們對外經(jīng)貿(mào)、外交關(guān)系的拓展，學(xué)英語講英語的形勢更加喜人。我去年跟一批中學(xué)生專門進(jìn)行英語講演講座，他們懷著很大的興趣聽我講。對外經(jīng)貿(mào)大學(xué)也曾經(jīng)請我去講過怎么樣對外國人進(jìn)行溝通。最近華北地區(qū)的大學(xué)生講演比賽，我去當(dāng)了裁判。

英文演講和中文演講相比有哪些區(qū)別？

段津：實(shí)際上一樣，關(guān)鍵在于了解演講對象，減少冗余信息。

中文演講和英文演講實(shí)際上是一樣的，關(guān)鍵是看你演講的對象。不管是用中文還是用英文演講，首先你要對自己的聽眾要有一個(gè)很好的了解。在國外講演，講演超過半個(gè)小時(shí)，你就要考慮這個(gè)時(shí)間是不是快到了，絕不要超過50分鐘。而且應(yīng)該留出一半以上的時(shí)間讓聽眾來提問題。在中國情況就有所不同，因?yàn)檫^去的習(xí)慣，有的時(shí)候往往邀請方要求我講三個(gè)小時(shí)。實(shí)際上現(xiàn)在中國人也愿意聽短話，特別是沒有什么信息量的套話說法，

我們的演講如何運(yùn)用語言魅力打動(dòng)聽眾？適應(yīng)聽眾思維習(xí)慣？

段津：在講演當(dāng)中，語言文字的運(yùn)用很重要。第一，語言表達(dá)純熟清晰。第二，以對方習(xí)慣的方式、喜歡的方式來講。第三，要有內(nèi)容。當(dāng)聽眾通過贊揚(yáng)英文的辦法來贊揚(yáng)你時(shí)，例如觀眾對你說articulate，這是表示你講得非常清晰，你聽到這樣的評語之后，實(shí)際上就說明你的內(nèi)容已經(jīng)打動(dòng)了人。

根據(jù)我的經(jīng)驗(yàn)，適應(yīng)聽眾思維習(xí)慣，在講演一定要注意觀眾的反映。我的講話就是半個(gè)小時(shí)，必要的時(shí)候縮短20分鐘。我看大家睜著眼睛很安安靜靜的在聽，我就多講幾句。講話不要長，講20分鐘就可以打住了，然后讓人家提問題，這個(gè)10分鐘是有效的10分鐘，你可以根據(jù)他們提的問題，不完全是切中這個(gè)問題放大放開講。

有了一份好的演講稿之后，在發(fā)表演講過程中，有人認(rèn)為這是在裝模作樣，您怎么看待這個(gè)問題？

段津：我自己感覺到，演講絕不是什么拿姿做態(tài)，裝模作樣。作為外交官代表國家講話，這個(gè)國家已經(jīng)個(gè)性化在你的身上。我覺得不要去演戲。過去講修辭，講動(dòng)作，講聲調(diào)，后來從美國開始，慢慢就變成一種談話式的講話。我們在國外演講也是。

我到悉尼去擔(dān)任總領(lǐng)事，上任第一個(gè)活動(dòng)正好碰到圣誕節(jié)，新南威爾士大學(xué)組織一次歡迎會，大家都很隨便，都站在那兒。我先在站在他們的面前，我是一個(gè)陌生人，對他們來講，我不代表個(gè)人，我不是段津，我是中國，是一個(gè)機(jī)構(gòu)。但為了制造一種親切感，我就要把機(jī)構(gòu)化成個(gè)人，從個(gè)人講起。所以我一開始就講：“幾天以前，我和我的夫人告別了北京的四室一廳的寓所，跟我上海80多歲的老父親通了電話，跟躺在病床上的哥哥也通了電話，來到了溫暖如春的悉尼，沐浴在夏天的陽光底下，跟大家一塊過圣誕，這是一個(gè)很大的變化，但是我非常高興、非常興奮?！睅追昼姷难葜v，讓人家對新上任的總領(lǐng)事有一個(gè)了解。中國慢慢變成你個(gè)人，這個(gè)個(gè)人是很親切自然的，沒有什么價(jià)值的，隨便聊天。但是最后我還是談了國際形勢，還談了國內(nèi)形勢，對海外學(xué)子的希望。

您的外語怎么樣學(xué)的？怎么樣才能將自己的所學(xué)準(zhǔn)確生動(dòng)的表達(dá)，運(yùn)用到演講里去？

段津：學(xué)習(xí)也沒有什么捷徑可走。

1，慢慢積累，不要放棄?；A(chǔ)一定要打好，特別是語法的基礎(chǔ)。我在學(xué)校學(xué)的時(shí)間不長，但是基礎(chǔ)非常穩(wěn)固。光介詞的練習(xí)就不知道做了幾百幾千，冠詞的練習(xí)，什么時(shí)候用the，什么時(shí)候不用，這些基礎(chǔ)都非常牢固；

2，多看、多讀、多模仿。英語開始就是模仿，注意外國人的表達(dá)方法。我當(dāng)時(shí)在外交學(xué)會上班時(shí)有機(jī)會接觸美國、澳大利亞、加拿大、新西蘭廣大地區(qū)的各階層人士。另一方面我非常注意閱讀。當(dāng)時(shí)美國的四本周刊我都看，《新聞周刊》、《時(shí)代》等等，而且是越看不明白的東西越看；

3，要記錄。寫有用的短語、詞句，要把它記下來，而且要注意比較外國人和中國不同的表達(dá)法。舉個(gè)例子，中國人講話的時(shí)候，謝謝大家對我的熱烈歡迎，很平實(shí)的。英語國家的人講這么一句話，“thank you for the warm hospitality that makes me feel so welcome。”意思就是“謝謝你們的好客，這個(gè)好客使我感覺到自己如此受歡迎”。假如你沒有看過英文、聽過英文，你絕對不能想到這么表達(dá)。所以你就要學(xué)，就要聽。我們不能說我學(xué)的時(shí)候?qū)W了，自己講得時(shí)候還照中文講，不能這樣，要用英文來思維，越是覺得有點(diǎn)怪怪的，越是要學(xué)的。時(shí)間久而久之，你就不會講中式英文。

在被邀請演講但又不很清楚對方的具體要求時(shí)如何進(jìn)行？內(nèi)容上什么樣的安排會收到好的效果？

段津：這種情

“老外交官談?dòng)⒄Z演講之道”

況我會首先要進(jìn)行調(diào)查研究。是誰邀請的，邀請我去跟誰講，再根據(jù)聽眾的特點(diǎn)，自己做一個(gè)估計(jì)。

比如說我在澳大利亞時(shí)，收到一個(gè)請?zhí)?，就是澳大利亞悉尼大學(xué)。他們學(xué)生畢業(yè)典禮一千多人，讓我作為唯一的外國嘉賓講話。我的聽眾都是大學(xué)生、大學(xué)教授，18歲到20多歲。然后我再打電話給他們學(xué)校的組織講演的校方詢問他們希望我講些什么東西，他給我的答復(fù)是隨便，但是時(shí)間控制在10分鐘。這樣的話，我就有了幾個(gè)信息：一個(gè)是他為什么不請美國人，請中國人，說明他對中國感興趣。所以我根本上可以確定，我要講講中國的事情。中國情況；另一個(gè)是年輕學(xué)生加教授；再一個(gè)就是時(shí)間要短一點(diǎn)兒。這個(gè)場合是一個(gè)畢業(yè)典禮，根據(jù)這四個(gè)特點(diǎn)，我就準(zhǔn)備出了一個(gè)講稿。

具體進(jìn)行的過程大概是這樣的。我記得有一個(gè)英國作家講過，你可以試一下談別人，比如說你跟人家談話時(shí)，你講他的事情，他聽兩個(gè)小時(shí)都不膩，所以既要講自己，也要講別人。根據(jù)這樣一個(gè)原則，我就在這個(gè)講稿里頭采取一種對比的辦法。

我一上來就是澳大利亞和中國差別很大，共同點(diǎn)也很多，夏天我們都出汗，冬天我們都會凍得發(fā)抖，你吃飯用刀叉，我吃飯用筷子。比如說我們中國看問題是大中小，寫地址是先寫國名，再寫省，再寫城市，再寫街道，再寫門牌號，然后再寫姓，然后寫名。外國人先寫名，再寫姓，你的門牌號碼、樓的號碼、馬路、城市、省份，最后是國家。整個(gè)是大顛倒。你們是由我及人，我們是由遠(yuǎn)及近。通過這些文化的對比，政治制度的對比。比如你們是議會民主，我們是半殖民地半封建的基礎(chǔ)上建立起來的人民民主的國家，這個(gè)場合就避免人民民主專政，因?yàn)閹拙湓捴v不清楚。從文化、政治、經(jīng)濟(jì)對比。再就是物產(chǎn)，中國有多少動(dòng)物、多少植物。一下子跳躍性的，一對比，共同點(diǎn)我們